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Naya Pakistan v/s old Pakistan

September 18, 2014 at 12:11 pm | News Desk

It may not be a ‘real Pakistan’, the one dreamt by Quaid-i-Azam, Allama Iqbal and the founding fathers but it’s a much better Pakistan today than the one witnessed in the 80s and 90s when Imran Khan was playing cricket and Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto were conspiring with the establishment against each other. Thus, the return of old Pakistan would be a disaster for this country.

Imran Khan showed interest in politics in 1993 for the first time after playing cricket for 21 years and entered politics by making Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI).

In 18 years, the PTI has emerged as the second largest party in the 2013 elections. During all these years, Imran spent eight days in jail and sat on hunger strike for 48 hours.He has brought a new colour to politics, new cadre, new class and it’s good to hear that he intends to make Pakistan ‘clean of corruption.’

It is still believed that he is not giving a good message by asking the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) cabinet, led by Chief Minister Pervaiz Khattak, to be on a container instead of looking after the provincial government not the party. The two are supposed to be separated and have separate functions as well — at least this is what the spirit behind the PTI’s constitution shows.

Corruption and poor governance are still big issues but at least some signs of political stability are there (before this Dharna). But Imran should be thankful to this ‘Naya Pakistan where he is allowed to protest as long as he wants though the economic effect of this Dharna has already been reported to be over Rs1 trillion. It is an eye-opener for the government, PTI and Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT) of Dr Tahirul Qadri.

Pakistani politics have improved since the historic accord called the ‘Charter of Democracy,’ signed by the two arch rivals of the 80 and 90s — late Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif — in 2006.

But Pakistan has come a long way from the worst kind of political persecution to a reasonable level of political tolerance. This type of politics the nation waited for 67 years since independence to see the first smooth transfer of power in the 2013 elections, followed by presidential elections. Thus, one can say it’s a ‘newly-born Pakistan.’

What happened in Model Town in Lahore on June 17 and on August 30 in Islamabad, were some of the legacies of old Pakistan. But in the ‘Naya Pakistan’, Imran Khan and Dr Tahirul Qadri are still holding their ‘Dharnas’ or they would have been in jail, particularly after the PTV incident, in the old Pakistan for a minimum of three to seven years if not 10 or 11 years. It is heartening that the workers of Imran Khan had not seen public hanging, flogging, Lahore Fort, etc.

Had it been the product of old Pakistan, Imran would have either been underground for 10 to 20 years or in long detention like late GM Syed or Bacha Khan (Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan).

Had it been the old Pakistan, martial law would have been imposed by now under the cover of Dharna, attack on PTV, Parliament martiallawHouse, PM House and Pakistan Secretariat. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif with his cabinet, Imran and Qadri with their leaders and other political leaders would have been in detention under the Maintenance of Public Order (MPO) or in the worst scenario facing military courts.

Had it been the old Pakistan, cracks would have widened after Ch Aitzaz Ahsan’s outburst during the joint session and Ch Nisar Ali Khan would have been allowed to respond in the hardest possible way. But, in the Naya Pakistan, the interior minister created history by giving democracy priority over self-respect. One expects from Aitzaz a similar response when parliament would have met again.

Had it been the old Pakistan, the president of Pakistan would have dissolved the assemblies under Article 58-2(b) and the prime minister and his cabinet would have been sent to jail. In the Naya Pakistan, former president Asif Ali Zardari has surrendered all his powers to parliament. Now, the head of the state is a figure head and all powers rest with the elected prime minister.

Had it been the old Pakistan, the PTI MNAs would have been kidnapped, shifted to some rest houses, given briefcases full of
money and by now many of PTI MNAs would have changed their loyalties. But, in the ‘Naya Pakistan,’ a party MNA remains loyal to the party unless he or she himself decides not to follow party discipline but can’t join the government or any other party as long as he or she is an MNA.

Had it been the old Pakistan, martial law would have been imposed and politics would have been banned, newspapers and channels would have either been closed or strict censorship would have been imposed. In the Naya Pakistan, the majority of the channels are anti-government.

Had it been the old Pakistan, the judiciary would have given legitimacy to any martial law under the Law of Necessity.

Had it been the old Pakistan, this ‘Dharna,’ would not have entered Islamabad or dispersed near Faizabad by force. The opposition in the National Assembly and in the Senate would have been on the container, instead of backing parliament. A Grand Opposition Alliance (GOA) would be leading the movement.

Had it been the old Pakistan, the PML-N would have formed the government at all costs in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and in
Balochistan and would have created destabilisation in Sindh or enforced the Governor’s Rule.

Had it been the old Pakistan, unanimous amendments would not have been passed to improve the democratic system through 18th, 19th and 20th amendments and instead the ruling party would have been busy in increasing its strength.

Thus, it would be very difficult for Imran to build a ‘Naya Pakistan,’ with an old script, with old producers and directors, with veteran actors, who remained part and parcel of military dictators.

Imran Khan or Dr Tahirul Qadri can’t give a call to peasants, labourers, trade unions, student unions after having feudal lords, Pirs, Sardars on their right and left.Thanks God, after four days of heavy rains and flood, Imran announced on Sunday, that he would go and meet the flood victims.

Late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was not a revolutionary. He was a feudal lord and quite a failure in handling domestic politics. Yes, he was Bhuttothe only politician in Pakistan who tried and challenged the status quo, by giving voice to the people. He was the only ruler in Pakistan who questioned the Americans and refused to surrender on the nuclear issue, paid the price when he was made a “horrible example” on April 4, 1979.

Even after his execution, Bhutto remained a “factor” in Pakistani politics even after the assassination of his daughter late Benazir Bhutto and the PPP became the first party to complete its tenure under Asif Ali Zardari. It suffered the worst defeat in 2013 elections for two reasons i.e. not getting a level playing field and poor governance.

Revolutions demand sacrifices not of life but at least spending a few sleepless nights with their workers, not in containers but where the workers sleep and eat what they eat and drink what they drink.

Imran’s struggle should be for a much better Pakistan, but for this he needs to change his politics and style of politics. He must naya jjread his own party constitution very carefully because he once told this correspondent a few years back that he had not read it.

He must keep distance from the people who gave him an old script and tested actors. In the Naya Pakistan, he needs a new script based on democracy, supremacy of the Constitution and political tolerance. Imran must come out from political isolation as he still has a long way to go.

It’s also time for old parties like the PPP and PML-N to learn some more lessons. If nothing else, they should restore democracy in their own parties. For how long have these parties been run through nominations? Why can’t the PML-N have a new president and duly elected chairman not picked by handpicked leaders but through elections? At least, the PTI must be given credit for holding the intra-party elections, even if there were some serious problems in it.

Choice is with Imran. Does he want a ‘better Pakistan’ or his own definition of ‘Naya Pakistan,’ with an old script and veteran political actors who are conspiring to bring back an old Pakistan to again get their share in power.

 Mazhar Abbas

Abbas, who has worked as a journalist for nearly thirty years, has received multiple threats for reporting on demonstrations against President Musharraf.  In May 2007, he and two other journalists found white envelopes containing bullets placed on their cars

News Desk

Economic Affairs Editor

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